[rohrpost] public space Yerewan

[[R][R][F]2004--->XP]

[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP ~ E-Journal - Vol.7
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004 <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004>
available online also on
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/e-journal.htm <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/e-journal.htm>
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editorial at the end of this text--->
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Features
.
1 [R][R][F] 2004 --->XP - News!!
2. public space- Yerewan/Armenia
--> "making history" -
a new curatorial contribution by Stephanie Benzaquen
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1. News
.
The 4th presentation suite
includes in July/August two media festivals hosting
[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP
--->
public_space_festival Yerewan (Armenia)
23 JUly - 03 August 2004 www.accea.org <http://www.accea.org>
--->
and
West Coast Numusic & Electronic Art Festival Stavanger/Norway
18-22 August 2004 www.numusic.no <http://www.numusic.no>
.
b) [R][R][F] 2004 --->XP will be installed in a large interactive
installation
as a part of Biennale for Electronic Art Perth/Australia
7 September - 17 November and
Agricola de Cologne will stay for several weeks in September/October
as an "artist in residence" in Australia on this occasion.
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///
.
2. public space Yerewan-->
~E-Journal - Vol.7
contents
~~~~~~~~~~~~~
-->
1. "Making History" a new curatorial contribution by Stephanie Benzaquen
a) curatorial statement
b) about the curator
c) about the curated artists and art works
.
2. Recent calls
~~~~~~~~~~~~~
1.
it represents certainly a challenge for
[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP for participating in a festival in one of the
Caucasian republics
and the project is proud to publish and include especially on this occasion
a new curatorial contribution to RRF version 2.0
prepared by Stephanie Benzaquen (Amsterdam/Netherlands - Holon/Israel)
entitled "Making History".
.
This contribution is from its structure not yet complete,
but be will be developed in different steps and on different levels,
to be published in coming physical [R][R][F] 2004 --->XP events.
.
For Yerewan, it includes in the first step
following three Tel-Aviv/Israel based artists
Ariel Yanay-Shani, Dana Levy,
Liat and Ariel Shechter-Mayrose
.
The contribution can be accessed via the artistic body of
[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004 <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004>

--->
"MAKING HISTORY"
a curatorial statement by Stephanie Benzaquen

"Two days after the second truce came into effect, the Seventh Brigade was
ordered to withdraw from Nazareth. Avraham Yaffe, who had commanded the 13th
battalion in the assault on the city, now reported to me with orders from
Moshe Carmel to take over from me as its military governor. I complied with
the order, but only after Avraham had given me his word of honour that he
would do nothing to harm or to displace the Arab population. My demand way
sound strange, but I had good reason to feel concerned on this subject.
Only a few hours previously, Haim Laskov had come to me with astounding
orders: Nazareth's civilian population was to be evacuated! I was shocked
and horrified. I told him I would do nothing of the sort - in view of our
promises to safeguard the city's people, such a move would be both
superfluous and harmful. I reminded him that scarcely a day earlier, he and
I, as representatives of the Israeli army, had signed the surrender
document, in which we solemnly pledged to do nothing to harm the city or its
population. When Haim saw that I refused to obey the order, he left.
A scarce twelve hours later, Avraham Yaffe came to tell me that his
battalion was relieving my brigade; I felt sure that this order had been
given because of my defiance of the evacuation order. But although I was
withdrawn from Nazareth, it seems that my disobedience did have some effect.
It seems to have given the high command time for second thoughts, which led
them to the conclusion that it would, indeed, be wrong to expel the
inhabitants of Nazareth. To the best of my knowledge, there was never any
more talk of the evacuation plan, and the city's Arab citizens have lived
there since ever".

This story is reported by Peretz Kidron, who was asked in 1974 to be the
"ghost writer" of Paul Dunkelman, a Canadian Jew, who wished to write his
memoirs. Paul Dunkelman, combat officer with the Canadian expeditionary
force in France during World War Two, and volunteered for the Israeli army
in 1948. He was appointed to the relatively senior post of brigade
commander, charged with dislodging Arab forces in central and upper Galilee.
When Peretz Kidron got back the draft chapter he had given for corrections
to Paul Dunkelman, he saw the following comment penciled in the margin of
the episode in question: "I wish to consider whether I should include this
or not". Eventually, the episode was removed from the memoirs .

In the eighties, the Israeli state archives of "Independence War" became
available. Access to official records including documents of Prime Minister'
s office, Jewish industries and personal diaries, was at last possible. This
moment marked the appearance of "New History", an ensemble of critical
researches dealing with the Israeli historiography of 1948. These
investigations led by the "New Historians" (Simha Flappan, Benny Morris,
Ilan Pappé, Tom Segev, Avi Shlaim ) widened into a general movement of
academicians, journalists, artists, and writers, all calling into question
the previously accepted interpretations of events. This movement encountered
a strong interest in Israel. Documentary films, studies, and essays show how
eager Israelis were to understand, and reconsider. This wave of interest did
not survive the explosion of the Second Intifada in September 2000, with its
resulting discourses, re-framing and interdictions.

The perspectives generated by New History on the Nakbah ("Catastrophe" -
Palestinian term for the Israeli Independence War) revealed facts which were
hard to cope with for the Israelis. The New Historians refuted the view that
Palestine was empty when Jewish settlers came and that Palestinians
voluntarily left in 1948. The data they provided were explicit: more than 11
towns and 400 villages destroyed by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF);
750.000 Palestinians expulsed. Other sources even referred to over one
million of expelled Palestinians . The New Historians undermined the Israeli
myth of "few against many", by revealing the secret agreement between the
Jordanian Army and the IDF, creating a parity on battlefield. In his article
in Middle Eastern Studies of January 1986, Benny Morris (Ben-Gurion
University of Beer-Sheva), basing his research on the copy of a 1948 report
of the intelligence branch of the Israeli Army revealed that 72% of the
Palestinians were expelled by Israeli forces (IDF and unofficial Zionist
groups like Irgun and Stern). This exodus was contrary to the strategic
desires of the Arab Higher Committee which, according to some sources had
made radio calls to leave, but never broadcasted any instruction. When Ilan
Pappé (senior lecturer of Political Science at the University of Haifa)
stated that Palestinians had suffered ethnic cleansing during the birth of
Israel, he touched the utterly forbidden point. This was an electroshock for
the Israeli society.

"New History" was - and remains - a debated movement as indicate its
numerous designations: "Revisionist History", "Post-Zionism", even
"Anti-Zionism". Several researches have been far from accepted. The student
from Haifa University, who revealed in his MA dissertation that the IDF
massacred the inhabitants of the village of Tantura, has been sued in court
by veteran soldiers of the army unit he accused. Haifa University warned
they would disqualify him unless he would change his findings. This somber
affair shows how unacceptable it was, for Israelis, to imagine their army as
perpetrators of massacres - even worse maybe, planning such massacres. The
"Old Historians" (Efraim Karsh, Itamar Rabinovich, Anita Shapira, Shabtai
Tevet) opposed the investigations of the "New Historians", accusing them of
lacking of evidences, of falsifying documents, if not inventing them . One
confronts here the power of the ultimate taboo: a master-plan for mass
expulsion could not have existed, let alone planning massacres. How to
explain that Plan D (Daleth), from the beginning of 1947, was calling for
the "destruction of villages (setting fire to, blowing up, and planting
mines in the debris) especially those population centers which are difficult
to control continuously"?

"Post-Zionism is in effect what used to be called anti-Zionism. (.) The
intellectual heirs of the early anti-Zionism are, first, the « new
historians ». These academics would have us believe that the Holocaust was
not unique and that, therefore, Israel's creation and continued existence
lacks any particular moral justification. To them, we have no legitimate
past. Post-Zionists go on to say we do not have a legitimate future".

The quoted commentator is Limor Livnat (Right wing, Likud), member of the
Israeli Knesset, (later on, minister of Education in Sharon's government)
during a briefing addressing the Middle East Forum in NYC, on the 17th of
August 2000.

The confusion of moral, legitimacy, and interpretation of history, as well
as the automatic connection of the creation / existence of the Israeli State
to the Holocaust are deeply anchored in the Israeli psyche. The creation of
a nation as answer to the destruction of Jews in World War Two, the
uniqueness of the Holocaust, the Holocaust as justification of certain acts
("a small injustice in order to rectify a big injustice" as said once Martin
Buber): all these elements are supported by a powerful commemorative
structure (museums and ceremonies), political discourses, and systems of
education and media.
The systematization of Holocaust as grid, around which any discourse seems
to by pivot, must be pointed out. To refer to the Holocaust, when relating
to the Israeli / Palestinian conflict, is a widespread phenomenon that has
been even more strengthened by the Second Intifada. It is not a recent
matter. Already in 1967, after the Six Days War, the philosopher Yeshayahu
Leibowitz coined the term "Judeo-Nazi" to describe the military shifts, and
to awake the civilians to the danger of obeying orders to the prejudice of
any moral or human value.
It shows the dominance of one historiography (the historiography of the 1948
victors) for the whole area. It imposes interpretations that do not
necessarily reflect the reality of the conflict. As soon as established the
equivalence between Holocaust and Nakbah (however are disproportionate the
amplitudes) as common place discourse, one enters the system of
interchangeability of roles. The result is a binary structure: oppressed and
oppressor. No intermediary terms apply. This strengthens a paradigm,
dangerous for Middle East inhabitants: destruction as matrix of national
construction and territorial sovereignty. This lethal simplification escapes
any contextualization and generates fatality in positions to be hold, and
strategies to be applied. It creates a strange mirror effect, in which the
emancipation of one group is modeled on the emancipation of the former,
without any attention paid to circumstances. Such an effect anchors violence
as effectiveness, and normal modality of relation. In other words, it leads
to a dead end, since it prevents from seeking another model.


The trial of Adolf Eichmann, in April 1961, one year after his kidnapping by
the Israeli secret services in Argentina, and its media representation help
to understanding the implementation, in the national discourse, of the
inextricable ties between the Holocaust and the Israeli State.
The trial was widely broadcasted on national radio. Everywhere, people were
listening - at home and at work, in restaurants and shops, in buses and
factories. Numerous schools cancelled lessons so that the pupils attend the
debates. Some broadcasts were even translated into Yiddish. Teddy Kollek,
then assistant of the Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, set up the necessary
infrastructure for six hundreds abroad journalists, with simultaneous
translation and complete transcription of drafts. The trial took place in
the auditorium of the new theatre of Beit Ha-am in Jerusalem, supposedly
because there was no other space able to welcome so many journalists. The
governmental press office was even authorized to picture the sessions: a
television camera could film each minute of the trial. It turned, somewhat,
into "theatre play", or at least, there were clear staging intentions
directed at a national and worldwide audience.
During this trial, a part of the Israeli official narrative regarding the
Holocaust was born: a polished version carefully avoiding grey zones. Hannah
Arendt noticed for instance that the collaborative "Judenrats" (local Jewish
staffed councils) had never been mentioned, and were rather replaced by
revolts that took place in some ghettos. The Holocaust became the
"foundation event", for all the communities present in the country, the
common history for all Jewish Israeli citizens, wherever they came from.
Israel appointed herself as the representative of all Jews, claiming the
Holocaust victims as potential Israeli citizens (in other words, deciding
for/instead of them Zionists). No doubt the trial acted as catharsis and
therapy for the whole nation. Nevertheless, it is hard not to see in it a
wheel of the apparatus that tied Holocaust and Zionism together with a
strong political and practical purpose .

The New Historians investigated the relation of Zionism and Holocaust, the
attitude of the Jewish community during the mandatory years, and the
manipulation of Holocaust memories by the successive governments. They bared
obscure areas damaging the well elaborated national narrative. More indeed:
by clarifying the ethnical cleansing suffered by Palestinians in 1948, they
made an impact on the status of the Holocaust for the Israeli society and
destroyed the univocal notion of victimization which used to form the basis
of the national identity. In fact, they reintroduced complexities in spheres
that ideologies had attempted to simplify.

"Acknowledging the atrocities committed against the native inhabitants of
Mandate Palestine and which lead to the eventual formation of modern Israel
is a vital and necessary station in the socialization of the Jews in Israel,
no less than the horror destinations to which high school children in Israel
are forced -and one hopes that, at least some of them seek- to visit in
Holocaust Europe", declared Ilan Pappé.

The New Historians have been accused to contribute to the usage of
victimhood, as political and propagandist tool, within Palestinian society.
Although they have regularly stipulated that they did not equate Holocaust
and Nakbah, the mere fact they analyzed the ideological distortions of the
Holocaust was already considered as a dangerous act. There was no attention
paid to their constant acknowledgment of Shoah as a major historical crisis
and unbearable tragedy. Their willingness to testify the suffering of the
other side, and to state culpabilities that could not be cancelled by former
tragedies, has been ignored and despised. (In some way, is it so surprising?
The logical conclusion of their findings concerns the problem of the
refugees as well as the judicial measures taken by the Israeli governments
to prevent Palestinians from return, as the "present / absent" law in the
fifties and the "planning and reconstruction" law in 1965). As they
addressed issues like recognition and commemoration as a fundamental part of
reconciliation and normalization process, they have been declared to be
compromised. Their ideological and political position had been considered
convenient to Arab interpretations and grievances.

Appearing through the accusation of "Anti-Zionism", the resort to Holocaust
to disqualify, indeed to reject the contents of their researches, was
nothing less than a twofold denial: it denied the Palestinian tragedy; and
it denied the reality of unpleasant facts and reactions within the Israeli
society in the post-World War Two period. What with the Holocaust survivors
arriving at the Jewish community of mandatory Palestine and sent to fight,
and later on at the new-born Israeli State and placed in kibbutzim for
financial reasons? What with absence of listening when they, the survivors,
wanted to tell, at last, what they had endured in camps? What with the
complexities of the Israeli policy facing post-war Germany, then GDR and DDR
(financial agreements and sale of weapons)? What with the fact that the
Holocaust Memorial had been planned by the Jewish community of Palestine in
1942 already, as the "Final Solution" was just settled? What with the fact
that the Mapai (the party of Ben-Gurion, representing the "Jewish authority"
in Palestine before 1948) did not focus on the rescue of the threatened
European Jews?
It doesn't change anything to the horror of the Holocaust; it is just that
things are never simple neither one-sided. Deconstructing societal taboos by
disclosing repressed elements and ideological mechanisms shows the maturity
and safety feelings of a society, and its ability to go beyond its traumas
to face the current reality. One wonders: when the only solution to the
current conflict is walling up and ghettoizing, can one assert that Israel
went through resilience phase regarding the Holocaust? And maybe could this
"state of denial" be extended to other aspects of the Israeli society?

In the continuation of New History investigations, other repressed memories
could make a way for themselves towards public knowledge in a more offensive
way. The Sepharadic communities started voicing their own tragedies: how
they left the Arab countries where they lived for generations, how they had
been brought to Israel, what they had to go through to integrate in their
new home. The willingness of Sepharadic people to deal with their past, and
to bring it to light, emerged after years of dispossession of their proper
history, frustrations and shame feelings regarding their origins, in what
they considered as an unequal society. Beside the renegotiation of their
image within the Israeli society, the attempt to recapture their own
history, diluted in the imposed Ashkenazi narrative, corresponded to the
tactical displacement of victimization related to socially and politically
oriented objectives. Let's remind that, for example, the religious political
party Shass played on the frustrations of the Sepharadic - often Moroccan -
communities, and on promises, to gain political representation and power.
The academic interest toward these issues has been accompanied by the
increasing cultural production of artists eager to cope with their family
background, the mixed culture in which they grew up, and the numerous
conflicts they experienced. This debate has been an important element in the
re-positioning of Israelis, understanding the implications of geographical
location, the multicultural nature of a migration-based nation and the
strategies used by a State which had to handle the difficulties generated by
its peculiar building.

When approaching, via the multicultural and migration matters, structural
issues linked to the national construction, one cannot avoid the ambiguities
related to the conjunction of Law of Return and Holocaust reminiscences The
Law of the Return is based on the inversion (revenge?) of the Laws of
Nüremberg: it states that a person with a Jewish grandparent automatically
gets the Israeli citizenship when requested. It collides with the Rabbinic
Law, accordingly to which the Jewish identity is transmissible only by the
mother. The clash of the two laws ends in problematic situations. Because
marriage, circumcision, burial belong to the religious orthodox authorities,
the "non Jewish" Israeli citizens find themselves in drama. The
discrimination, thus, does not pass only through the political system, but
through the social one too. The incredible confusion created by the mixing
of religious, historical, and ideological references within the State
apparatus (somehow explainable by the pragmatic territorial and demographic
agenda of the successive governments), gets impossible to manage as soon as
one catches the complex composition of the Israeli society: Jewish Israeli
citizens, non-Jewish Israeli citizens brought here through the Law of Return
(new migrants), Arab Israeli citizens (Muslims and Christians), religious
non-Jewish minorities...
Israel implodes under the pressure of its contradictions and unsolved
issues. In some way, it succeeds in maintaining its cohesion by constantly
redefining its own cleavages. The Holocaust is one of them. Erected as the
signifier of suffering endured by the Jews all over the world (with the
corollary of Israel as the symbol of their victory over enemies), it can
erase the fights coming from social unbalance and multicultural conflicts
and unify communities separated by their respective backgrounds. It would
generate new groups of solidarity, able to overcome their differences for
higher purposes. More often, this is called "National Union".

Captured in its symbolic dimension (destruction giving way to re-birth;
exile as endangering the dispersed communities), the Holocaust becomes the
reference, or model of populations, in Middle East area, seeking for
national implementation - and an optimal translation of claims. In Israel,
more particularly, it acted as both separating / unifying the society,
enabling to draw cleavages and to recompose groups accordingly to belongings
necessary for the continuation of the State. It let thus apart an important
percentage of Israeli citizens. This social and political economy has to be
in mind of anyone wishing to understand the way the Holocaust memory has
been perpetuated as well as its function in the discourses pertaining to the
Israeli / Palestinian conflict. By revealing the presence of such an economy
and its ideological mechanisms, and pointing out Israeli responsibilities in
the on-going conflict, the New Historians opened toward renegotiation of
identities. They called into question the political system of Israel, in
fact, its democratic principles. Through their investigations, the New
Historians have shown that democracy cannot be taken for granted, that
doubts, uncertainties, and debates are a part of normally functioning of
democracy, much more than any of the official assertion and canonization. In
this sense, they gave tools to the civil society for influencing and
impacting on the political system, for influencing the future. They reminded
that any victimization has to find its own way to be expressed and to be
healed, without comparison neither competition with any other.

text copyright © 2004 by Stephanie Benzaquen
.
b)
About the curator
Stephanie BENZAQUEN
Independent curator
Lives and works in Amsterdam, Netherlands.
Graduated, Philosophy Department, University La Sorbonne, Paris, France
Ran the independent Contemporary Art Centre "The Villa", dedicated to
collaborative projects of Israeli and abroad artists, Tel Aviv (Israel);
Worked as art director of Opal Contemporary Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (Israel);
curator at the Israeli Centre for Digital Art, Holon (Israel).
Last curated projects and exhibits: New Media Festival, Bangkok (Thailand);
Tirana Biennale (Albania); Contemporary Art Centre, Vilnius (Lithuania); Art
and Culture Project Noass, Riga (Latvia).

****************************************
c)
About the curated artists and art works
1. Dana Levy
2. Ariel Yanay-Shani
3. Liat & Ariel Shechter-Mayrose

1.
DANA LEVY

Dana Levy lives and works in Tel Aviv.
She has presented her works in Herzliah Museum (Israel); Israel Museum,
Jerusalem (Israel); OK Center for Contemporary Art, Linz (Austria); Atlantic
Center for the Arts, Florida (US); Stuttgart Film Festival (Germany);
Mediaterra Micro Museum (Greece); Centro Multimedia, Mexico City (Mexico);
Outer Limits Video Festival, NYC (US); New Media Festival, Bangkok
(Thailand).
"Time with Franz"
Dana Levy met Franz during her stay in Austria. He invited her to his
countryside home, inherited from his family. There, she discovered boxes of
old family photos, Nazi swastikas. Being third generation of the Holocaust,
she felt threat, anger, and fear. The movie reflects the way the artist
tries to overcome her mixed emotions. The past slowly gives way to the
present moment, and to the developing friendship with Franz, despite
history. The music is by Die Linzer Philharmonic, conducted by artist Hannes
Langeder. The orchestra players are all non professional. The result is an
eerie out of tune classical music.

2.
ARIEL YANAY-SHANI

Ariel Yanay-Shani lives and works in Tel Aviv.
He has presented his works in Art Focus, International Biennale of
Contemporary Art, Jerusalem (Israel); Beit HaGefen, Haifa (Israel); New
International Cultural Center, Brussels (Belgium); Location One Gallery, NYC
(US); ImagesPassages, Annecy (France); Contemporary Art Center, Vilnius
(Lithuania); Culture and Art Project Noass, Riga (Latvia).

In his new work, Ariel Yanay-Shani investigates forms of dynamic visual
representations of the holocaust memory. Holocaust representations
constitute an ongoing debate. The majority of visual documents representing
the holocaust memory consist of photographs taken by liberators or
torturers, reflecting the power holder's point of view. In such context, the
memories of prisoners themselves tend to fade away. The artist focuses on
and portrays these underrepresented perspectives, by constructing the
prisoners' virtual reality out of real-world visuals mixed with virtual
components. The multi-perspective, non-narrative contemporary representation
he develops aims at forming an evolving memory of the Holocaust.

3.
LIAT & ARIEL SHECHTER-MAYROSE

Liat and Ariel Shechter-Mayrose live and work in Tel Aviv.
They presented their works in Ein Harod Museum of Art (Israel); Biennale of
Gawngju (South Korea); Sparwasser H.Q. Gallery, Berlin (Germany); Jerusalem
Film Festival (Israel); Museums of Arad, Ashdod, and Bat-Yam (Israel); New
Media Festival, Bangkok (Thailand); Culture and Art Project Noass, Riga
(Latvia).

"LLNL - Hora Party"

The work of Liat and Ariel Shechter-Mayrose, is based on two separate video
works (archive images, video filmed by the artists, animation), that work in
parallel and in synchronization. They communicate and intertwine in a way
that one world reflects on the other, one serves as a "dubbing" for the
other in a continuous tandem, a role players game. "LLNL - Hora Party",
whose title refers to the emblematic dance / celebration ("Hora") of the
Israeli State, creates a combination of local legend and of social
criticism, examining sight and blindness, blurred and clear visions related
to the contemporary political context, the Israeli / Palestinian conflict,
and Zionist perspectives.
.
The streaming video works and detailed biographical info
about the curators and artists can be also
accessed via VideoChannel on www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/ <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/>
or www.le-musee-divisioniste.org/mediacentre/ <http://www.le-musee-divisioniste.org/mediacentre/>
or directly from this email via www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/vchannel.htm <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/vchannel.htm>
.
DSL broadband Internet connection required!!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
2. Recent Calls
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/calls.htm <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/calls.htm>
.
1. --->Call for submissions to VideoChannel - video works
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/call_videochannel.htm <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/call_videochannel.htm>
Deadline 30 October
.
2. --->Call for submissions to SoundLab Channel - soundart works
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/call_soundart.htm <http://www.newmediafestorg/rrf2004/call_soundart.htm>
Deadline 27 August, then ongoing
.
3.
--->Call for submissions to Iraq project
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/call_iraq.htm <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/call_iraq.htm>
Deadline ongoing

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[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP
is part of --->
01. National Museum of Contemporary Art Bucaresti/Romania (5 March - 30
April)
02. Bergen Electronic Arts Centre Bergen/Norway (5 March - 28 March)
03. New Media Art Festival Bangkok (Thailand) (20-28 March)
04. Now Music Streaming Festival Berlin - 7 April
05. Version'04 Festival - Invisible Networks - Chicago/USA - 16 April-01
May
06. Electronic Art Meeting - PEAM 2004 - Pescara (Italy) 19-23 May
07. BASICS Festival Salzburg/Austria - 8-16 May 2004 -
08. VI SALON Y COLOQUIO INTERNACIONAL DE ARTE DIGITAL - Havanna (Cuba)
21-24 June
09. International Festival of New Film and New Media Split/Croatia (26
June-2 July)
10. public_space_festival Yerewan/Armenia 23 July - 03 August
11. West Coast Numusic & Electronic Arts Festival Stavanger/Norway 17-22
August
.
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The next edition of ~E-Journal Vol.8 will be published on occasion
of the third physical presentation suite in August--->
-->West Coast Numusic & Electronic Arts Festival Stavanger/Norway
18-22 August www.numusic.no <http://www.numusic.no>
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Editorial
~~~~~~
[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP
global networking project
by Agricola de Cologne,
media artist and New Media curator from Cologne/Germany
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/ <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/>
rrf2004 at newmediafest.org <mailto:rrf2004 at newmediafest.org>
.
As a corporate part of [NewMediaArtProjectNetwork]:||Cologne,
the project will develop and operate during 2005 and 2006
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In case, you missed one of the email ~E-Journals,
all volumes of ~E-Journal can be found on
www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/ <http://www.newmediafest.org/rrf2004/>
in the section ~E-Journal
.
As an extension of the global networking project,
[R][R][F] 2004 --->XP ~ E-Journal
will be edited periodically
in order to feature projects, curators, artists and other networking
instances on a textual information basis.
.
copyright © 2004 by Agricola de Cologne. All rights reserved.
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